Richard Golian

1995-born. Charles University alum. Head of Performance at Mixit. 10+ years in marketing and data.

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Richard Golian

Hi, I am Richard. On this blog, I share thoughts, personal stories — and what I am working on. I hope this article brings you some value.

How to Understand Slovakia and Its Politics (You Probably Cannot)

Slovakia's pro-Russian politics and identity

By Richard Golian

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Why is Slovakia often described as one of the most pro-Russian countries in the European Union, while at the same time being deeply integrated into NATO and the eurozone? How is it possible that, during a certain phase of the war in Ukraine, Slovakia was one of Ukraine’s biggest supporters – on par with the Baltic states – and yet today, it has one of the most pro-Russian foreign policies in the EU? What is going on here?

So, sit down, grab something good to eat – today, I am diving into one of my favourite questions about Slovakia and its politics.

How to understand Slovakia and its politics?

First of all: you cannot. Not even Slovaks understand Slovakia. And those who claim they do usually are not even trying – they are just speaking from inside one of the country’s opinion bubbles.

When it comes to Slovakia, the question needs to be more humble. More grounded. We should be asking: How can we try to understand Slovakia?

Protest against Robert Fico's foreign policy in Slovakia
Protest against Robert Fico's foreign policy under the Slovak National Uprising Memorial in Banská Bystrica

Let us pause for a moment on my opening. You might think this sudden political U-turn – the shift in Slovakia’s stance toward Ukraine – is strange, maybe even shocking. But it is not. It did not surprise me. I have been trying to think of a way to explain it clearly. What follows will be a simplification, but one that touches on something essential about Slovak politics.

Here is the thing: in every conflict, Slovaks are winners. Why? Because they are always on both sides.

Under the monarchy, some Slovaks sided with the Habsburgs, others with the anti-Habsburg uprisings. During World War I, some fought for the emperor – the Central Powers – while others supported the creation of Czechoslovakia, which meant backing the Allies. In World War II, Slovak soldiers marched alongside Nazi Germany into Poland and the Soviet Union – but today, we celebrate the victory of the anti-fascist coalition, of which exiled Czechoslovakia was a part – and we remember the uprising of part of the Slovak army against its own regime and the looming German occupation.

Confused? That is okay. It gets worse.

I cannot think of a single historical event that all Slovaks agree is worth celebrating.

The creation of the First Czechoslovak Republic in 1918? Celebrated by some. Others reject it for being too dominated by Czechoslovakism.

Summary

In every conflict, Slovaks are winners. Why? Because they are always on both sides. Pro-Russian in surveys, yet firmly in the EU with the euro and NATO membership. This article explains why understanding Slovak politics requires accepting that consensus has never existed — and probably never will.
Richard Golian

If you have any thoughts, questions, or feedback, feel free to drop me a message at mail@richardgolian.com.

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Common questions on this article's topic

Is Slovakia really pro-Russian?
Slovakia is simultaneously one of the most pro-Russian countries in EU surveys and a fully integrated member of NATO and the eurozone. In the article, this paradox is explained through a deeper pattern: in every major historical conflict, Slovaks have been on both sides. There has never been a single historical event that all Slovaks agree is worth celebrating — not the creation of Czechoslovakia, not the Slovak National Uprising, not even independence in 1993.
Why did Slovakia shift from supporting Ukraine to a pro-Russian foreign policy?
In the article, this is presented as less surprising than it appears. Slovakia donated an S-300 air defence system to Ukraine in April 2022 — one of the most significant contributions from any NATO ally. Yet by late 2023, a new government under Robert Fico reversed course entirely. This is consistent with the historical pattern: Slovak politics oscillates between orientations because the population is fundamentally split on all major questions.
Why cannot Slovaks agree on their own history?
In the article, a systematic review of major historical events demonstrates the pattern. The creation of Czechoslovakia in 1918 is rejected by some as too Czechoslovakist. The wartime Slovak State of 1939 is celebrated by a portion of the population. The 1944 Slovak National Uprising saw the country's own president award medals to those who suppressed it. The Velvet Revolution, Constitution Day, and independence in 1993 all remain contested. No single event unites the entire nation.
What makes Slovak politics so difficult to understand for outsiders?
In the article, the answer is blunt: you cannot fully understand Slovak politics — not even Slovaks understand it. Those who claim they do are usually speaking from inside one of the country's opinion bubbles. The recommendation is to approach Slovakia with humility and accept that consensus has never existed. The country's small size means every divide cuts deeply into personal relationships, making political questions simultaneously national and intimate.
How does Slovakia's divided history affect its current politics?
The historical pattern of being on both sides of every conflict directly shapes today's political landscape. In the article, this is illustrated through the observation that even Milan Rastislav Štefánik — perhaps the most universally admired Slovak figure — is only universally respected because he died before entering domestic politics. Had he lived and taken a stand on serious political questions, he too would have become controversial.
Is there hope for political consensus in Slovakia?
The article does not offer false optimism. The structural conditions for consensus — a shared national narrative, agreed-upon historical foundations, unified media landscape — do not exist and arguably never have. What the article suggests is that understanding this reality is the prerequisite for any meaningful engagement with Slovak politics. Expecting consensus where none has ever existed leads only to frustration.